Essay on Music of the Night A Short Story - 1906 Words

Music of the night Pain shot through Ruth’s gnarled knotted hands. Hands twisted by arthritis. Hands that once made audiences weep as they flew over the keyboard of the Steinway. Hands, which the New York Times once called the hands of an angel. Now she was the one weeping. She thought of her wasted life. Her gorgeous silk dresses replaced with rough clothing. Now she wore garments appropriate for cleaning the concert hall where she once performed. Her dreams were gone dashed on the rocks of reality. She took this job to near the stage that had brought her so much joy. Tears misted her eyes obscuring her vision. Never again would she hear the thunderous applause, or experience the standing ovation of thousands. Those days were†¦show more content†¦Ã¢â‚¬Å"Hay, don’t I know you?† â€Å"No, sir.† Ruth said turning her face away. â€Å"I just started here last week.† â€Å"Well, if you want to keep your job make sure this place is gleaming. The last one didn’t and that why you got her job.† â€Å"Yes sir† Ruth said keeping her head down. For the next hour she worked, polishing the glass until it sparkled. Then on her knees scrubbing the spots from the carpet. Twenty moments after he came Wheeler left without even looking at her. Two years ago he paid her twenty thousand to perform at the holiday gala. Now he paid her menam wage. It was a fantastic concert. She became lost in the music as she always did, her fingers flying over the keyboard. The orchestra performed superbly. As the last note died, the audience set in astonished silence. Then the hall erupted in thunderess applause. They then exited the hall in almost revered silence. Back then she played almost every night. Her tours took her to every large city in America. Each day her agent called with new offers. Booked a year in advance she sometimes felt, as she couldn’t drag herself on stage. Weariness overwhelmed her. Yet it was always the same. As soon as the music began a surge of energy flowed through her. She forgot her problems; she closed her eyes lost to this world. Heaven seemed open to her. At the end of each piece, she reluctantly opened her eyes. It was custom for the performer to receive applause at the end of each piece. In Denver she broke withShow MoreRelatedThe Effect Of Temperature And Music On The Retention Rate914 Words   |  4 PagesThe test scores of the participants in the study did not vary enough to warrant a conclusion of the effects of temperature and music on the retention rates. There was a slight tendency for those in the warmer condition to have a more positive attitude and, possibly because of this slightly improved mood, to score higher on the retention test (Figure 5-2 Figure 6). It is possible that because culturally reading is commonly associated with warmth—cozy blanket, burning fireplace, hot chocolate, etcRead MoreAnalysis Of Bird By Ralph Ellison1307 Words   |  6 Pagesliving†. 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This movie contains eight musical segments all narrated by Deems Taylor with different music and animations like Mickey Mouse, fairies, flowers, dinosaurs, figures from mythology, animals, and spiritsRead MoreMusic Is Exceptionally Powerful And Meaningful To People1353 Words   |  6 PagesMusic is exceptionally powerful and meaningful to people worldwide as it serves as an expression of emotion. Authors of various literary works integrate music into their stories. In Baldwin s short story, Sonny s Blues, jazz music is an important part of the story that explores the life of one of the main characters, Sonny. During the time this short story was written, Charlie Parker, an influential jazz musician that is briefly acknowledged in the story, had an immense following. Charlie ParkerRead More Kid Nobody Could H andle Essay742 Words   |  3 Pagesthe short story, The Kid Nobody Could Handle, by Kurt Vonnegut, the main character of the story is George Helmholtz. He lives in a small town with his wife, is the head of the music department at the local high school and the director of the band. He is the most important person in the story because he is the only one, not psychiatrists, and foster parents, to make a difference in Jim’s life. Throughout the story, George is determined and hopeful, lonely, and fixated with the beauty of music. GeorgeRead MoreThe Notebook Film Elements1708 Words   |  7 PagesTaibi First Paper Assignment The Notebook The movie The Notebook, directed by Nick Cassavetes and released on June 5th 2004, is a captivating love story, which takes place in the 1940’s. Through filmatic elements such as Cassavetes choices of cinematography, editing, narrative, mise en scene, sound and music, he creates an extremely believable story of two teenagers in the 1940’s who fell in love over the time span of one summer. In order to create a 1940’s vibe, Cassavetes wisely uses a specificRead MoreJames BaldwinS Sonnys Blues713 Words   |  3 Pagesï » ¿Harrisons Blues There can be little doubt that the characters who are the most similar in James Baldwins short story Sonnys Blues, and in Kurt Vonnegut Jr.s short story Harrison Bergeron, are the title characters of each respective work. They both embody conceptions of youth within each story Sonny as the younger brother of the nameless narrator in Baldwins tale, and Bergeron as the son of the George and Hazel Bergeron. In their own way, each is antisocial and engage in practices thatRead MoreWhere are you Going? Where Have you Been? by Joyce Carol Oates1100 Words   |  5 PagesGoing, Where have you been? is a short story written by Joyce Carol Oates. The 75 year old American author and professor at Princeton University, introduce the story of 15 year old Connie who is rebelling against her mother’s whishes. 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ThereRead MoreSpunk Play Review1400 Words   |  6 Pagesversion of Hurston’s original three tales: â€Å"Sweat,† â€Å"Story in Harlem Slang,† and â€Å"The Gilded Six Bits.† Zora Neale Hurston strived to portray the reality of life as an African American in the early 1900s through native dialect in her s hort stories and novels. Her most notable production, Their Eyes Were Watching God, is a prime example of her effort to illustrate the life of the everyday Negro in search of a better life. Each of the short stories portrays a different, yet comparable view on African

Comparison Of Southern Strategy And The Tea Party Strategy

Comparison between the Southern strategy and the Tea party strategy The southern strategy was an electoral strategy introduced by the Republican Party to optimize support in the south by white voters through the application of racism, especially towards African Americans. Consequently, racial tensions deepened in much of the Southern part of The United States in the year 1950s and 1960s as a result of the effort of the civil rights movement and destruction the laws of Jim Crow. Republican politicians had to develop successful strategies that would later lead to the political migration of many white southerners to the Republican Party who previously supported activities of the Democratic Party. Politicians like Richard Nixon and Senator†¦show more content†¦African Americans’ right to vote became a reality when the voting rights act of 1965 was passed enabling them to choose candidates who had their best interests in mind. However, this change of events made Racists W hite politicians change their game plans because their grip on power was being threatened thus the birth of the southern strategy which was instituted to gunner votes of racist white southerners. Events in 2009 after Obama s first presidential inauguration led to establishment The Tea Party which had a central intention of thwarting Obama, s agenda. However, 24% of Americans were in support of the Tea Party as recorded by Gallup.com. Moreover, Trump is not the first republican president to base his politics upon racist fears but the term, â€Å"Southern strategy.† was instead popularized by political strategists like Richard Nixon and Kevin Philips in the 1960s. With the enforcement of The Voting Rights Act, many Negroes were registering as Democrats in the South as the majority of whites who were Negrophobe started quitting the Democrats and realigning with the republicans. In this case scenario, the Whites are seen moving to Republican Party because of the blacks’ registration as democrats otherwise without this change of events the whites would be very comfortable with their old comfortable arrangement with the local democrats. Revelation by Philips that racism resulted in political profits led to politicians likeShow MoreRelatedStarbucks Is An American Global Coffee Company6909 Words   |  28 PagesJapan, 793 in the United Kingdom, 732 in China, 473 in South Korea, 363 in Mexico, 282 in Taiwan , 204 in the Philippines, and 164 in Thailand. Starbucks locations serve hot and cold beverages, whole-bean coffee, micro ground instant coffee, full-leaf teas, pastries, and snacks. Most stores also sell packaged food items, hot and cold sandwiches, and items such as mugs and tumblers. Starbucks Evenings locations also offer a variety of beers, wines, and small bites after 4pm. 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Constitutional Conventions free essay sample

Constitutional conventions are no longer capable of constraining those who hold public office; they should be converted into legal rules. ’ Discuss. One might define the constitution of a country as a set of regulations that a government is expected to derive its principle rules from, thus regulating the relationship between the state and its citizens. Under the UK constitution these rules, although being non-legal rules, are considered binding and are embodied by way of constitutional conventions.These conventions are intended to police the powers of government ministers, their policies and not only their own actions but those of their staff and institutions. They are more often than not held accountable to the convention identified as ministerial responsibility. A. V. Dicey defines constitutional conventions as: â€Å"understandings, habits or practices which, though they may regulate the conduct of the several members of the sovereign power, of the Ministry, or of other officials, are not in reality laws at all since they are not enforced by the courts. [1] The question arises of the true value of these conventions considering that they are uncodified and are therefore unenforceable in a court of law. The subsequent arguments endeavour to address concerns over the control of an abuse of power within the government and the nature in which such indistinguishable regulations are understood, or not, by those to which they apply. Unlike the majority of the world’s governments, the UK has an uncodified constitution; it cannot be found in any written document.One such opinion is that of Thomas Paine who stated that the English Parliament â€Å"is merely a form of government without a constitution, and constituting itself what power it pleases†. [2] Although it can be seen in many countries that the exercise of conventional practices exist hand-in-hand with codified constitutions. The different constitutional conventions of the UK constitution comprise its ideology and although they may be recognised as habitual practices and cannot be lawfully enforced, they obtain an obligatory force of tradition.It is this compliance, â€Å"a generally accepted political practice, usually with a record of successful applications or precedents†,[3] that limits any prerogative powers disturbing political or legal activities. It would be very unlikely for a person not to consider themselves bound by a convention However, constitutional laws in the UK are neither entrenched nor supreme, as the basis of the UK constitution is a doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty, thus allowing any government in power with its overwhelming majority to effectively alter the constitution by repealing any past statutes and implementing new legislation. The doctrine was described as ‘the very keystone of the constitution’[4] by A. V. Dicey. It is generally recognised that these conventions are vital to ensuring that those responsible for the administration of the country will conduct themselves in an appropriate manner without taking advantage of the flexibility of a convention to suit their own political aims and that they adhere to practiced political conduct. In the words of Sir Ivor Jennings, they ‘provide the flesh which clothes the dry bones of the law’. [5]Some might argue that with the UK’s doctrine of Parliamentary sovereignty, Parliament possesses an incomparable measure of power. This is in some way unconstitutional. However there are numerous restraints present in conventions that Parliament is forced to observe. â€Å"The practical operation of the government of the United Kingdom rests in the hands of elected ministers and their officials, acting under a mixture of law and a residue of the royal prerogative. †[6] The UK constitution is in no doubt a unitary one, with power ultim ately residing with the central government. Yet these powers are fused between separate branches of the government, with each one acting as a check on the other thus ensuring full political and constitutional accountability. The doctrine of the separation of powers according to Montesquieu is to â€Å"avoid the risk of too much power being accumulated in one person or institution†[7] The idea is to keep the judiciary, the legislature and the executive altogether separate from one another to prevent an overlap and ultimately an extension of their respective powers.One such example of this is that the judiciary abstain from divulging in political activities whatsoever and under Schedule 1 of the House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975 are subsequently forbidden from holding office as a Member of the House of Commons. Lord Mustill stated that â€Å"It is a feature of the peculiarly British conception of the separation of powers that Parliament, the Executive and the Courts have each their distinct and largely exclusive domain. Parliament has a largely unchallengeable right to make whatever laws it thinks right.The Executive carries on the administration of the country in accordance with the powers conferred on it by law. The Courts interpret the laws and see that they are obeyed. †[8] Within the various institutions of the government, rules set in place by the prime minister can be found to ensure the constitutional conformity of the cabinet’s ministers within each area of the government. For example the Ministerial Code of Conduct outlines the responsibility of Members of Parliament to â€Å"maintain the high standards the British people have a right to expect†[9] of them.The Parliament Acts of 1911 and 1949 also sought to prevent an abuse of power by the Lords in legislature and shifted the base of power to the House of Commons thus establishing a direct line of accountability to the electorate. The general constitutional philosophy as influenced by A. V Dicey suggests that British citizens are â€Å"without benefit of positive and fundamental constitutional rights giving legal protection to the individual against the public authorities of the state†. 10] It can be argued that this is a fairly accurate outlook of the modern const itution as there is no â€Å"fundamental† constitutional law that takes precedence over legislation. However, this rigid theory does not allocate for the present principles of democracy, for example the freedoms of the individual established by the Human Rights Act 1998. When doubts or disputes arise over particular political policies there are a number of committees in place that Ministers are obligated to consult.Such proposals are debated within these committees, opposing points of view are argued and therefore a safeguard from an abuse of prerogative powers is brought about. There is also a convention introduced under the Bill of Rights Act 1689 that initiated further checks on the government which requires Parliament to convene ‘frequently’. This was determined under the Meeting of Parliament Act 1694 which stated that they ought to do so at least once every three years. There are many arguments for conventional rules to be codified to ensure certainty in order that they may be easily interpreted thus reducing potential political conflict.If they were to be made law they would also entail legal consequences for those not following them. On the other hand lays the considerable trouble of determining which conventions to codify as th ey are a substantial number of them in practice and should they become law an unavoidable overlap of the separation of powers would arise whereby the judiciary would find themselves interpreting political matters and inadvertently bringing about constitutional change. Constitutional conventions are altogether separate from regular legislation. They are formed and fashioned by politicians using alternative means to common law or legislation.A practice which is traditionally honoured by those that it impinges upon and rely on its enforcement on political rather than legal sanctions. These opposing approaches are summed up by Lord Halisham’s comparison between the conventions of the UK constitution with those of the codified American constitution: â€Å"It is the acceptance of convention, which seems to make the British a nation of cricketers, and the Americans a nation of litigants. †[11] He goes on to discuss the limitations of the power of the UK government as a result of these conventions in his ‘Elective Dictatorship’ report: â€Å"The limitations on it, are only political and moral.They are found in the consciences of members, in the necessity for periodical elections, and in the so called checks and balances†¦ †[12] He concludes that the UK is under an elective dictatorship in which Parliament is controlled by the government by way of ministers seeking re-election and that a ‘whip’ convention has come about whereby members are influenced through fear of removal from office. Another commonly regarded political practice of Ministers is that should they oppose certain policies, by convention they are obliged to resign their office. For example; the Defence Secretary, Michael Heseltine, resigned during the Westland Affair 1986. It is widely recognised that because constitutional conventions are unenforceable through a court of law, the government may alter or ignore specific conventions as and when they see fit. One significant case is that of Madzimbamuto v Lardner-Burke[13] when the doctrine of collective responsibility was overlooked as the Privy Council dismissed arguments that the Southern Rhodesia Act 1965 was not applicable as it conflicted with the convention.Lord Reid stated that â€Å"It is often said that it would be unconstitutional for United Kingdom Parliament to do such things†¦But that does not mean it is beyond the power of Parliament to do such things. If Parliament chose to do any of them the Courts could not hold the Act of Parliament invalid. †[14] Such an example strongly indicates that conventions do not hold any restraints over the powers of the executive. However, these views can be compared with the case of Attorney General v Jonathon Cape Ltd. [15] Richard Crossman, a Cabinet Minister wrote his political memoirs and upon his death they were to be published.As a result of the nature of political insinuations described within them, the Cabinet via the Attorney-General applied for an injunction to prevent them from becoming available to the public. It was held that they would not be published bas the doctrine of collective responsibility would be harmed upon their release and that the convention should be protected. Therefore, if there is more than one statutory interpretation, the one that conforms to the convention is preferred. However the House of Lords have stressed on occasion that such an interpretation does not necessarily have to be applied.This contention of the Attorney-General in Attorney General v Jonathon Cape Ltd is supported by the views of Lord Salmon in Reg v Lewes Justices: â€Å"When it is in the public interest that confidentiality shall be safeguarded, then the party from whom the confidential document or the confidential information being sought may lawfully refuse it. In such a case the Crown may also intervene to prevent production or disclosure of that which in the public interest ought to be protected. †[16] It may be seen that it is important in some situations to have such flexibility although it could also be argued that this is both unreliable and erratic.This case does however represent that conventions are both recognised and upheld and therefore enforces the argument that constitutional conventions do indeed protect against misuse of executive power. Contrary to this perception are the statements of Professor Jowell, QC: Ministerial executive powers do not require, either by law or convention parliamentary approval before or after they are used. Parliament does not even have to be told that they have been exercised. Indeed, Ministers have said that no record is kept of their use and that it would not be practicable to do so. †[17]The demise of the Royal prerogative powers to the ascendency of Parliamentary sovereignty have undoubtedly contributed to an increased requirement for ministerial accountability. Although the Queen has the fundamental power to dissolve Parliament and its ministers, for the most part it is Parliament who exercises the utmost power. â€Å"The Sovereign is he who decides the exception, and the veracity of a political and legal system can only be assessed with regard to who makes this decision, and how effective it is. Political authority, ultimately, lies with those who can enforce legal decisions. [18] Upon weighing up the opinions and arguments presented it is apparent that there is evidence to support both sides as to whether or not constitutional conventions are capable of constraining those who hold public office. One of the most valid implications is that the true nature of the problem presented in Parliament being able to constrain its Ministers from an abuse of lies in the ‘hazy nature of the British Constitution’. Obvious reasons exist for the comprisal with conventions although there are substantial grounds for the introduction of codified conventions.The conventions appear to be met with much perplexity and suppositions on the obligations, rather than enforceable laws, they impose on the executive such as A. V Dicey’s interpretations mentioned earlier. However we can certainly appraise their flexibility in allowing the constitution to adapt to an ever-changing society without much difficulty. Of course this has its drawbacks in allowing Ministers an excessive amount of freedom to change the rules to allocate their own political agenda as demonstrated in Attorney General v Jonathon Cape Ltd.